Aug. 11, 2025 · Corruption
The 10 Most Powerful American Oligarchs
The American Oligarchs wield more power and influence than any healthy, functioning nation would ever allow.
The point is simple: too much concentrated power is a threat to all of humanity’s future.
If you’re rich enough, you don’t wait in line. You don’t get put on hold. You can have a cabinet secretary call you back before lunch, or get a head of state on a video call in their pajamas.
Today, billionaires control the levers of government, the information pipes, and the money spigots. Wealth is like gravity; these men have become black holes. Though that comparison isn’t fair to black holes, because at least black holes don’t have free will.
Here are the ten most powerful American oligarch’s.
10. Jeff Bezos
Bezos does not own a cable slot or a trending tab. He owns The Washington Post. That still matters. The Post is one of the last national newsrooms that can spend months on an investigation and move federal oversight when it publishes. Agenda setting inside government flows through outlets like this. Ownership is influence.
This isn’t a valentine to legacy media. It is a reminder that the people who control elite information flows shape what committees subpoena and what inspectors general dig up. When the owner is a billionaire with deep federal contracts in cloud and logistics, every editorial decision sits in an unavoidable shadow. That does not make stories false. It does make power denser.
Average readers do not get to choose the masthead, the budget, or the business model. They just get the coverage. In a better system, trust in media comes from independence born of insulation from billionaires. In this one, the newsroom that can still hit hardest belongs to one. That is not ideal. It is the best we have left.
If you want to see how soft power works, watch what officials read the morning after a Post scoop. You can feel the temperature drop in the West Wing and in the agencies. That is leverage by headline.
9. Harlan Crow
Crow doesn’t run an agency or a platform. He doesn’t need to. His friendship with Justice Clarence Thomas, and the undisclosed luxury travel and gifts that came to light, detonated a Supreme Court ethics crisis that still shapes Washington. When a billionaire is this close to a sitting Justice, the definition of influence changes. It expands into the air around the Court.
The Court’s term has already redrawn the boundaries of the administrative state. That decides how far DOGE can actually reach, how far agencies can push rules, and who can sue to stop them. If the Court narrows agency power, the White House must route more policy through private partners and friendly judges. That is exactly how oligarchs like it.
Most citizens will never meet a Justice, let alone fly with one. They will live under the outcomes. The pipeline from billionaire hospitality to judicial philosophy is invisible until the opinion drops. By then it is too late. The damage is encoded into precedent.
You can call this legal. You cannot call it healthy. When the guardians of the law socialize with the country’s richest donors, the rest of us are not in the room. We are on the receiving end.
8. Mark Zuckerberg
Zuckerberg’s power is not the loudest. It is the deepest. Meta’s feeds reach more people in a day than any other U.S. platform. Small dials on ranking, political group recommendations, and news link distribution quietly change what millions see. Campaigns adjust because they have to. Governments adjust because the campaigns do.
This is the tyranny of the default timeline. You do not need to rig a vote if you can tilt what people read and share in the weeks before they vote. You can reduce the oxygen for local news and increase the reach for outrage and rumor without ever issuing an order. You just ship a tweak.
There is no ballot measure that lets you opt out. There is no public hearing before a feed change. There is a quarterly call and a product OKR. In a working democracy the public square belongs to the public. Right now one man’s company decides its shape and rules. That is not neutral. That is raw leverage.
Some days Meta reins itself in. Other days it opens the floodgates. Either way the choice is private. The effect is public.
7. David Sacks
Sacks is the bridge between the venture world, the podcast circuit, and federal policy. Trump named him to oversee AI and crypto, and Reuters covered the new posture on model rules, chip exports, and digital assets. He writes rules in the morning. He sells them to his audience by dinner. The conflict is not hidden. It is the business model.
Here is the part that should make you furious. The people investing in frontier models, chip startups, exchanges, and wallets are the same people shaping the policies that will decide winners. In a normal system that gets called out of order. Here it gets called convenience. Sacks does not just have a vote. He has the pen and the mic.
It is also a culture pipeline. The All‑In orbit has normalized the idea that a handful of founders and financiers should be writing the rules because they “build things.” That is ideology marketed as common sense. When it becomes regulation, it locks in a caste system. Founders on top. Everyone else in the compliance queue.
You cannot buy that kind of reach. You have to own it. He does. And when your friends sit at DOGE and call you for feedback, the rest of us do not get a seat. We get the bill.
6. Rupert and Lachlan Murdoch
Fox News remains the most effective message machine in conservative politics. A prime‑time booking is still an audition tape and a policy pressure test. The network’s framing can bless a personnel move or bury it before breakfast. The Murdochs do not sit in the West Wing. They do not need to. Their audience grants them a veto and a megaphone every night.
This is soft power that operates like hard power. When Fox decides to flood the zone with a narrative, senators echo it, cabinet secretaries adjust to it, and the White House calibrates to it. The Dominion litigation showed how a private outlet can tilt the civic field while treating truth as a line item. The legal bills get paid. The audience remains. The influence persists.
Most Americans will never be invited to shape a segment. They will absorb one. In a functioning democracy, the press challenges power. In this one, a family with a cable empire acts as a coalition partner. That is not journalism. That is a party organ with better graphics.
You do not get a referendum on who runs Fox. You just get the downstream reality. The network decides what counts as news today. Policy follows tomorrow.
5. Stephen A. Schwarzman
Schwarzman re‑entered Trump’s orbit after a brief post‑January 6 pause. Blackstone’s chief is again an economic whisperer with a balance sheet that touches housing, energy, logistics, and public infrastructure. In 2017 he chaired Trump’s Strategic and Policy Forum. In 2025 he is back in the room as the donor who can make other donors move. That is the force multiplier that money buys.
What this means in practice. When Blackstone wants favorable tax treatment or a friendly interpretation of housing policy, the case gets heard. When the White House needs elite finance to co‑sign a plan, Schwarzman opens the Rolodex and the cameras roll. This is the same dynamic as before, only more shameless. The distance between private equity returns and federal priority lists keeps shrinking.
Average families get priced out of homes that are gobbled by funds. Rents jump. Local control evaporates. Then the same people who profit from scarcity are photographed at the table, nodding along as “efficiency” plans look for cuts that fall on everyone else. Call it polite. It is still rigged.
No citizen gets to decide who chairs a billionaire council. No tenant gets a vote on how their rent becomes a spreadsheet line in a New York boardroom. Schwarzman does not need your permission. He already has the leverage he needs.
4. Larry Ellison
Ellison mixes federal cloud dominance with leverage over the youth news feed. Oracle’s Project Texas is the scaffolding for any U.S.‑compliant version of TikTok. The Supreme Court cleared the path in January when it upheld the federal TikTok law. That decision tilted negotiations toward a forced sale or a U.S.‑hosted carve‑out. Either route keeps Ellison at the gate. (The Washington Post)
Put the pieces together. A single vendor sits between tens of millions of Americans and one of their main culture and news streams. The same vendor courts federal agencies for cloud business. That combination is not neutral. If you can hold a platform’s data and keys under the flag of “national security,” you can also shape what is visible, what is throttled, and what is handed to the government.
The public was told Project Texas would be a wall. In practice, walls have gates, and the gatekeeper is a billionaire with a direct line to the White House. That is power you cannot vote on. It lives in contracts and escrow accounts. It outlasts headlines.
Ellison doesn’t have to tweet policy. He can just host it, inspect it, and invoice it. When the youth pipeline lives on your hardware and your rules, your influence is silent but total.
3. Peter Thiel
Thiel’s lever is Palantir. The company’s software fuses government data. It sits inside immigration, defense, and law enforcement. In May, the Pentagon added $795 million to Palantir’s Maven Smart System, pushing it deeper into targeting and sensor fusion through 2029. That is not a pilot. That is a backbone.
Here at home, Palantir-built systems sit in the middle of ICE enforcement. FALCON Search & Analysis and Investigative Case Management are the core stack. DHS’s own privacy filings say FALCON stores PII pulled from DHS and other agencies, lets users upload ad hoc material, and ingests telephone subscriber and call-transaction records about investigation targets and their contacts, refreshed at least every 48 hours. That is how you knit a national enforcement map. Palantir’s software has already been used in deportation operations, and ICE just paid about $30 million for “ImmigrationOS,” pitched as near real-time tracking of visa overstays and self-deportations.
Scale matters. Georgetown’s American Dragnet report and follow-on coverage show ICE’s surveillance net touching roughly three out of four adults through DMV files, license-plate readers, and brokered records, with commercial data brokering filling gaps the law would otherwise close. That is not “influence.” That is a file on your life within arm’s reach of an agent’s keyboard.
Thiel funds the candidates who promise fewer checks and more discretion for the executive. He backs the ideology that says the best men should move fast and that regulators and courts should get out of the way. He does it while his company’s software becomes the operating system of enforcement. That is politics of impunity dressed up as innovation.
No average person could build a file on most of the country. No average person could land a $795 million expansion tying offense and surveillance together. Thiel can. He did. And when you own the database and bankroll the politicians who unlock it, you are not participating in democracy. You are bending it to your design.
2. Elon Musk
Musk is the only executive who runs core infrastructure, a mass‑reach social network, and a presidential streamlining project at the same time. The White House named him to lead DOGE. PBS covered the role. Reuters later spelled out how DOGE swept through agencies even as the administration insisted Musk was not an “employee.” The line is cosmetic. He has access. He has sway. He also owns X, which sets the daily news agenda, and he controls SpaceX and Starlink, both critical federal vendors.
This is a single person with a switchboard to satellites, rockets, electric grids, and the de facto town square. If he wants a narrative boosted, it moves. If he wants an official shamed, it happens by afternoon. When watchdogs and a federal judge raised alarms about DOGE’s reach into private data, the administration pushed back, then kept moving. The pattern is simple. Expand. Apologize later. Expand again.
Call it what it is. One man is sitting at the junction of communications, transport, and political speech. That is far beyond any power available to an average citizen. It is far beyond what any functioning democracy should concentrate in a single private actor. It is also slimy as fuck to hold the microphone and write the rules for who gets to speak into it.
And the money does not stop at influence. Federal launch schedules and emergency communications rely on SpaceX and Starlink. When public infrastructure depends on your private network, you don’t lobby. You dictate. The rest of us live with it.
1. Donald J. Trump
Trump is the president and the hub these other men orbit. He is not just using state power. He is outsourcing it. His team created the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), and gave outsiders a path to reach across agencies without Senate confirmation. Public broadcasters and major wires described DOGE’s setup as an advisory apparatus that behaves like an agency. The message is blunt. If you are rich and useful to Trump, the door is open.
The president rewards loyalty with influence and market access. When he brings billionaires into the room they do not leave empty‑handed. Policy becomes a set of levers you can lease if your check clears or your platform is big enough to matter. That is not how a functioning democracy distributes power. That is how a court distributes favors.
He knows how attention works. He tests lines on friendly cable and mega‑podcasts, then turns them into personnel choices and executive actions. The country is governed through a feedback loop of TV hits, SpaceX launch events, X trends, and rallies. It is performative government with very real consequences. The winners are the men who own the cameras, the networks, and the clouds.
If you’re not in that circle, you’re the audience. You pay the subscription price in your data, your taxes, and your reduced options when a private platform becomes public infrastructure by decree. That is the point. Keep the door open for oligarchs. Keep it shut for everyone else.
How much power is too much power
Look at the map. The president opens the gates to private rule‑writing. Musk sits on top of comms, rockets, and the public square. Thiel’s Palantir fuses the databases that decide who gets hunted and who gets flagged. Ellison can stand between the country’s most watched app and Washington. Schwarzman keeps the donor hydra fed. The Murdochs program a base in prime time. Sacks drafts AI and crypto policy while his investors listen. Zuckerberg tilts the feed. Crow shadows a Supreme Court that can hobble agencies. Bezos owns the paper that can still ruin a week at Main Justice.
Five facts carry the weight here. DOGE exists and runs on private access. PBS and Reuters both described it and Musk’s role. A federal judge already had to swat back its appetite for sensitive data. Palantir landed a 795 million dollar Army contract to deepen Maven. That is an enforcement and targeting spine in one. The Supreme Court cleared the TikTok law, which pushes control of the shortest form news pipeline into a U.S. gateway where Oracle is central. The Thomas‑Crow scandal shows how billionaire proximity to the Court can distort the field where all this gets litigated. None of that is up for debate. It is documented.
Call the pattern what it is. It is slimy as fuck. It is the opposite of consent of the governed. It relies on private chokepoints and public indifference. It treats the rest of us like data to process and audiences to steer. These men are not just getting rich. They are writing the rulebook while they play, then setting the broadcast schedule that tells you it is all normal.
The fix will not come from a nicer press release. Nobody should have this much power, we need to stop any individual or company from gaining so much influence that they can act against the will and interest of the 99%.
Notes on sources inside the piece
DOGE was covered by PBS, and Reuters detailed Musk’s role, the structure, and the judge’s limits on DOGE access to private data. Palantir’s 795 million dollar Maven modification appears on the Defense Department’s contract page. Reporting on DOGE‑linked data hubs and immigration pulls from investigative coverage of plans to tap health and benefits records. The Supreme Court’s TikTok ruling and subsequent coverage explain the forced sale or hosting carve‑out that keeps Oracle’s Project Texas in the middle. The Thomas and Crow ethics scandal is well documented by major outlets.
If you enjoyed this article, you may enjoy my book:
“Broligarchy: America’s Techno-Feudal Future”
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